Writers of the Harlem Renaissance Essay -- Harlem Art Literature Essays

Writers of the Harlem Renaissance During the 1920?s, a ?flowering of creativity,? as many have called it, began to sweep the nation. The movement, now known as ?The Harlem Renaissance,? caught like wildfire. Harlem, a part of Manhattan in New York City, became a hugely successful showcase for African American talent. Starting with black literature, the Harlem Renaissance quickly grew to incredible proportions. W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, and Langston Hughes, along with many other writers, experienced incredible popularity, respect, and success. Art, music, and photography from blacks also flourished, resulting in many masterpieces in all mediums. New ideas began to take wings among circles of black intellectuals. The Renaissance elevated black works to a high point. Beyond simply encouraging creativity and thought in the African American community, the writers of the Harlem Renaissance completely revolutionized the identity of African American society as a whole, leading black culture from slavery to its current place in America today. There was no single cause which produced the Harlem Renaissance, but there are several historical developments which paved the way. The first set of contributing factors deal with the cultural background of Harlem from 1900 to 1920. At the turn of the century, Harlem first began to emerge as a distinctly black community. As black population increased, African American culture came to the surface and blacks started to hold prominent roles in this self-motivated community. This afro-centric atmosphere of Harlem appealed to many southern blacks, and as a result, ?the Great Migration of southern rural blacks to the north began in 1915? (Haskins 15). Blacks left segregation-... ...ier. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, Inc., 1970. 272. Locke, Alain. ?The New Negro.? Black Nationalism in America. John H. Bracey Jr. New York/Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company Inc, 1970. 334-347. ?The Harlem Renaissance.? Rev. 9 Feb. 1998. 11 Feb. 2000 Wintz, Cary D. Black Culture and the Harlem Renaissance. Houston: Rice University Press, 1943. Works Consulted African American Literature Book Club. ?The Harlem Renaissance.? 14 Feb. 2000 Chambers, Veronica. The Harlem Renaissance. Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers, 1998. Franklin, John Hope. From Slavery to Freedom A History of Negro Americans. New York: Vintage Books, 1969. ?Harlem Renaissance.? 14 Feb. 2000 Lewis, David Levering. The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader. New York: Viking Penguin, 1994. ?What is the Harlem Renaissance 14 Feb. 2000

With a Focus on Gender or Race

CAROL COLLINS STUDENT – 11423048 1 With a focus on gender or race, discuss whether the criminal justice system is biased. Society expects the criminal justice system to provide justice for everyone by protecting the innocent, to punish and convict the guilty, and to rehabilitate them in an attempt to stop them reoffending. It is supposed to give fair justice for everyone, regardless of gender, but much is written that suggests that the criminal justice system is gender-biased. Gender bias was not formed by the justice system, but it does reflect the fundamental conditions and attitudes of society.The cost of gender bias to society, the criminal justice system, and to the people within it is enormous. To discuss if the criminal justice system is gender-biased, an understanding should be reached regarding what is meant by the term `gender`. The word gender can be difficult to define, and also how it differs from the term `sex`. Whilst the term `sex` refers to the psychological a nd biological physiognomies that describe men and women, the term `gender` (The Free online Dictionary) refers to the roles that society considers to be appropriate for men and women, such as activities and behaviours.Categories of gender are `masculine` and `feminine’ while sex categories are `male` and `female`. Some authors believe that the increase of females offending has increased due to the `masculinization` of women’s behaviour during the Women’s Liberation Movement in the 1970s, and is responsible for the increasing numbers of women committing crimes. (Heidensohn, 1989; Adler, 1975). Aspects of sex do not vary between human societies, but aspects of gender may be very different (Bryant and Trueman, 2000).Sex-stereotypes are said to be central to gender, which can be defined as the behaviours, attitudes, roles and beliefs that are passed from generation to generation (Weinrich, CAROL COLLINS STUDENT – 11423048 2 1980). Bias is defined as an inclin ation or preference that inhibits unbiased judgement. There are two views concerning whether men and women are treated differently by the courts and the police. The first is the chivalry hypothesis, which is that women are treated with more respect, sympathy and courtesy.It is stated in the chivalry theory that more leniency is given to women than to men by the police, courts and the criminal justice system in general. It is said that male chivalry means that a woman is less likely to be charged by the police, and that the courts give lesser sentences to women than men, even if they have committed the same crime as male counterparts. Women who are sent to prison often receive shorter sentences than men which does imply that women are treated more leniently (Heidensohn, 2002).Some authors state that the chivalry hypothesis becomes not so relevant if the crimes committed are the same, and sentencing varies very little between the sexes. It can be argued that the chivalry hypothesis on ly works if the offender fits what is considered to be the female stereotypical, gendered role. The second view of different gender-treatment is when a woman does not fit the stereotype of what are female norms, this `double jeopardy’ theory becomes relevant, which results in much harsher sentencing (Carlen, 1985).It can be argued that in some cases that women are treated more severely by the criminal justice system because women are guilty of been doubly deviant; by committing a crime they have not behaved in a way that is regarded to be a socially normal way for their gender to behave. It is also written that females who commit aggressive crimes are often treated more severely than men, who are aggressive because their behaviour is different from what is regarded as normal female behaviour (Paul and Baenninger, 1991; Gelsthorpe, 2003).CAROL COLLINS STUDENT-11423048 3 Campbell (1993) states that violent women must rival men or be mentally ill, because it is not how nice girl s should behave according to Batchelor (2001). It could be seen that in some areas the gender bias within the criminal justice system that gender rivalry with the men has been the predominant force. Police officers and judges were interviewed by Hedderman and Gelsthorpe (1997) and were asked about the ways in which they made decisions.It is clear that women were given more leniencies if they have children, as their offences are treated as â€Å"need more than greed†, for example if they had stolen goods from a shop it was because they needed the goods for their family. However if a man had stolen from a shop it would have been seen that his motivation was one of greed. There is evidence that the possible gender bias in the criminal justice system begins as soon as a woman is taken to the police station. Fawcett (2006) comments that women feel that police stations are hostile places, artly because of the behaviour and sexist language within the police service. Women are in gen eral less inclined to use their right to have legal representation, but this may be not only because they are often charged with less serious crimes, or it could be because they feel overwhelmed and intimidated in the male-dominated police station. Only 20% of police officers are women, and only 18% of forensic officers are women. It is unclear whether police officers are trained to deal with women who have been victims of abuse, particularly when that is pertinent to the charges that have been brought against them.The Home Office states that women who are given prison sentences are given shorter sentences than their male counterparts. This implies that women are treated more leniently by the criminal justice system. The individual's history of offending and the nature of the offence are taken into account, and according to the Home Office, both the higher rate of CAROL COLLINS STUDENT-11423048 4 cautions issued to women, and the lower rate of custodial sentences, reflect that women are less likely to commit serious offences and that past criminal records are also taken into account.Offences that are committed by females tend to be less serious than those committed by men, and fewer women have previous criminal records. This indicates that, according to Trueman and Bryant (2003), there is not any sympathetic bias towards women. 27% of the women who are in prison are first-time offenders, which is more than twice the figure for men. This suggests that men offending for the first time are treated more leniently than women. 63% of women are serving custodial prison sentences for non-violent crimes, in contrast to 45% of men in prison. This suggests that women are sent to prison for far less serious crimes than men.According to the 2001 census, women represented 51. 3% of the population of England and Wales, but only 6. 1% of the prison population were women. It states that more women are likely to be given community sentences, or to be discharged, and that they a re much less likely to be given a custodial sentence than men (Home Office, 2003). Only 8% of the total amount of people sentenced to a custodial prison sentence in 2001 was women. In the last ten years there has been an increase in the female prison population by 60% compared to an increase of 28% for men.The rise is explained by an increase in the severity of the sentences given. It is possible that the introduction in 1997 of The Mandatory and Minimum Sentencing Act put restrictions on judges from using their own discretion when passing sentences. It is believed that the prison system in the United Kingdom was designed for men by men (Corston, 2007). Gender issues not only cause problems for women but also for the trans-sexual prisoners. New prison guidelines in 2006 were introduced to reform aspects of the prison system in order to reduce gender bias towards trans-sexual individuals.Sir David CAROL COLLINS STUDENT-11423048 5 Ramsbotham, prison inspector in 2000, stated that tran s-sexual prisoners were at risk of serious health problems due to the bias against them that they had been denied treatment, and he stated that they should be given the same treatment as everyone else. As fewer women go to prison than men, there is a male-dominated prison system. Due to this, there is discrimination against women in the prison system. There are fourteen women’s prisons in England, are there are none in Wales (Prison Reform Trust, 2010).This suggests that for women to be sent to a women’s prison it is probable that they may be incarcerated a long distance away from their families, causing isolation and emotional stress (Women in Prison, 2006). A woman is imprisoned on average 57 miles away from their committal address, and in 2007 over 800 women was held more than 100 miles away. This also suggests that women are often imprisoned in a higher grade prison than they need to be in. Due to the fact that there are fewer women’s prisons than menâ€℠¢s prisons, there are far fewer opportunities such as training or education (Hayes, 2007).Over the past ten years the media has focused on many controversial problems within women prisons with television documentaries such as `Girls behind bars`, 2011. The newspapers have used headlines such as `Women burn, strangle and stab themselves in jail hell` (Bright, 2004). In the documentaries, any of the issues raised were indirectly a result of gender bias and the effect that it can have on the women inmates within the criminal justice system. Much of the emphasis of the programmes was about the mental illness that is caused by the lack of suitable prisons and facilities.This in turn often leads to self-harm, drug abuse and suicide. There is evidence that suggests that gender bias also exists in the criminal justice system against women who are victims of rape. It is believed that in rape trials it is the female rape victim who is made to feel that she is on trial more than the male suspe ct (Walklate, 1989). CAROL COLLINS STUDENT-11423048 6 Baroness Stern was commissioned by the Government to do an independent report into the on-going concerns in the amount of rape cases that that went to court and resulted in a conviction.In the report Stern suggested that the (estimated) 14% of reported rapes that result in a conviction for rape or sexual assault was not low compared with other crimes. Of the rape cases that go to court, 58% result in a conviction. Stern reported that the figure would not improve under the present legal system (Williams, 2010). The Stern report (2011) suggested that improved care of the victim would improve the rates of conviction, as fewer victims and witnesses would withdraw from the process, which would improve the possibility of a conviction. In 2005, only 6. % of rapes that were reported to the police and taken to court resulted in a conviction, compared to 35% of other criminal cases. In the United States of America (USA) the criminal justic e system discriminates against men; one point that is argued is that if a man commits a murder in the USA it is more than twenty times more likely that he will be given the death penalty. Whereas, if a woman murders a man, she is unlikely to be sentenced to death, however if she murders a child or another woman, she runs a higher risk of receiving a death sentence.Markedly, murdering a man is not significant enough to merit the death penalty (Farrell, 1993). According to Farrell, men do not speak up enough, publicize, or organise appeals, so that that biases against women are removed, and the biases against men remain. Information gathered shows that there is gender bias within the workforce of the criminal justice system. In 2008, only 24% of the police officers in England and Wales were women. Only 12% of women police officers had reached the position of Chief Inspector, compared to 27% who held the position of Constable.In CAROL COLLINS STUDENT- 11423048 7 2008, there were only 2 9 females who were members of the Chief Police Officers Association, out of 209 total members. A 1993 survey showed that nearly all the police women who took part in the survey had received some form of sexual harassment from fellow male officers. There were also reports that 3 out of 10 had been subjected to unwanted touching and to offensive insults. 66. 5% of barristers are men, compared to 33. 5% who are women. A taggering 91% of Queen's Counsel are men, compared to 9% who are women. A view could be taken that with gender bias amongst the employment ranks of the justice system, it is not surprising that there is gender bias within the criminal justice process of criminal prosecution. There are conflicting arguments whether women suffer or benefit from bias during the sentencing for crimes. There is enough evidence to conclude that there is gender bias in the criminal justice system. There should be equal justice for all, yet the criminal justice system is failing women miserably .Women are at a disadvantage as offenders, suspects, defendants, and as employees. The system is failing female victims of violent crimes due to a lack of supportive services. Far too many women are being imprisoned for non-violent crimes. Women are under-represented as employees within the system, principally amongst the senior police levels, the judiciary, CPS, Queens Counsel and within law firms. The criminal justice system and the Government need to address the discrimination that exists against women, and they need to put the issue of gender as central to the criminal justice system.Everyone has a gender or sex, and should be given the right not to be discriminated against. It is a human right to liberty, security, justice, and to not be given punishment without law. It is a human right to a fair trial (Human Rights Act, 2000). As certain that night will follow day, people will commit crimes, and the reactions to the crimes and the way in which gender CAROL COLLINS STUDENT- 114 23048 8 differences are approached in the criminal justice system, for the foreseeable future, will stay the same, coloured by their gender.WORDS- 2312 REFERENCES Adler, F. , 1975. Sisters in Crime: The rise of the new female criminal. New York: McGraw-Hill. Batchelor, S. , 2001. The Myth of Girl Gangs, Criminal Justice Matters, Spring Issue, 43, pp. 26-27. Bright, M. ., Women burn, strangle and stab themselves in jail hell. [Online] (Updated 8 February 1984) Available at: http://www. guardian. co. uk/uk/2004/feb/08/ukcrime. prisonsandprobation1 [Accessed 12 April 2012]. Bryant, L. and Trueman , C. , 2000. History Learning site. [online] Available at: [Accessed 21 April 2012]. Campbell, A. 1993. Men, Women and Aggression. New York: Basic Books. Carlen, P. (1998) Sledgehammer: Women’s Imprisonment at the Millennium, Macmillan Press Ltd: Hound mills; Basingstoke; Hampshire; London. Corston, B. 2007. Ministry of Justice: Criminal Justice Group. [online] [Accessed 8 April 2012]. Farrell, M. 1993: [Online] http://www. mikefarrell. org/activist/deathpenalty. html Fawcett, 2006. Fawcett Closing the inequality gap. Online] (Updated 2006) Available at: http://www. fawcettsociety. org. uk/index. asp? PageID=712 [Accessed 12 April 2012 Hayes, S. C. , 2007. Women with learning disabilities who offend: what do we know? British Journal of Learning of Learning Disabilities and Offending Behaviour, 35 (3), pp. 187-191. Heidensohn, F. ,1989. Crime and Society: Sociology for a changing world. London: Palgrave MacMillan. Heidensohn, F. , 2002. Gender and Crime. In: M. Maguire, Morgan, R and Reiner, R. , eds. The Oxford handbook of criminology. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Herrington, V. and Nee, C. , [2005]. Self-perceptions, masculinity and female offenders, Internet Journal of Criminology. [online] Available at: [Accessed 21 April 2012]. Home Office, 2003. Statistics on Women and the Criminal Justice System Report. Available at: [Accessed 21 April 2012]. Hu man Rights Act 2000.London: HMSO. Legislation. gov. uk. [Online] Available at: http://www. legislation. gov. uk/ukpga/1997/43/contents [Accessed 12 April 2012]. Paul, L. and Baenninger, M. (1991) `Aggression by Women`: More myths and methods in Baenninger, R. (ed) Targets of violence and aggression. North Holland. Elsevier Science Publishing. Prison Reform Trust, 2010. Women in Prison. [online] (Updated 1 August. ) Available at: [Accessed 16 April 2012]. Self-perceptions,

Muscular strength vs. Single sprint performance - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 8 Words: 2391 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Health Essay Type Compare and contrast essay Did you like this example? 2.0 Muscular Strength vs. Single Sprint Performance Muscular strength is a physiological characteristic thought to facilitate sprint performance, mainly due to the increased ability of the muscle to generate muscular contraction during short-term high intensity activity (Baechle and Earle, 2008). Experts have defined muscular strength as the ability of a muscle or muscle group to exert maximal force against a resistance once, through the full range of motion (Newman et al., 2004). Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Muscular strength vs. Single sprint performance" essay for you Create order Specifically, literature has deemed the force production capabilities of the legs to be the decisive factor in improving ones ability to sprint (Thorland et al., 1987; Alexander, 1989; Dowson, 1998). For instance, an initial study by Alexander (1989) examined the correlation between leg strength and 100m sprint performance in 23 elite sprinters. For all participants, a significant relationship was found between the two variables. In support, a similar study conducted by Dowson et al. (1998) examined the relationship between leg strength and sprint performance in 18 elite male athletes. Again, leg strength was deemed to be a major contributor to ones ability to sprint over shorter distances of 15 and 35m. Although ample studies have investigated the relationship between muscular strength and sprint performance, with several findings recognising strength as a significant facilitator (Thorland et al., 1987; Alexander, 1989; Dowson et al., 1998), a similar investigation by Baker and Nanc e (1999) deduced that no measure of strength was correlated to either 10m or 40m sprint performance in Rugby League players. Moreover, Cronin and Hansen (2005) examined the relationship between muscular strength and measures of first-step quickness (5-m time), acceleration (10-m time), and maximal speed (30-m time), with all 3 measures of speed proving to be unaffected by muscular strength. It appears that studies examining the relationship between leg strength and sprint performance have produced contradictory conclusions. However more importantly, the investigations discussed above only implemented single sprint trials. Current research has identified that perhaps repeated-sprint efforts reflect a more accurate representation of the intermittent physiological demands of multiple sprint sports, rather than a single sprint (Dawson et al., 1991; Duthie et al., 2006; Oliver et al., 2007). For instance, a study carried out by Dawson et al. (1991) noted that for high intensity effort s of less than 5 seconds such as a 1RM squat or single 40m sprint test, the largest contribution to the energy demands was made by the phosphagen (ATP-CP) energy system. Moreover, Dawson et al. (1991) recognised that the contribution of the glycolytic system in ATP re-synthesis significantly increased when sprint efforts were repeated, which more accurately reflects the physiological demands of intermittent sports. This notion has since received support from other studies examining repeated sprint ability (Newman et al., 2004; Bishop and Edge, 2006). Therefore, although studies have formed contrasting opinions on the effectiveness of leg muscle strength in predicting a single sprint performance (Thorland et al., 1987; Alexander, 1989; Dowson et al., 1998; Baker and Nance, 1999; Cronin and Hansen, 2005), the validity of these investigations appears limited when considering the imprecision of using a single-sprint to assess multiple-sprint sport performers. 2.1 Isokinetic Strength vs. Multi Joint Strength Measures As discussed, it is widely recognised within the literature that RSA is more ecologically valid than a single sprint when assessing team-sport athletes (Dawson et al., 1991; Newman et al., 2004; Duthie et al., 2006; Oliver et al., 2007). Despite this knowledge, the association between muscular leg strength and repeated sprint ability has received scant consideration. However, one investigation by Newman et al. (2004) did specifically examine the relationship between isokinetic knee strength and repeated sprint ability in soccer and rugby players. Newman and colleagues reported that no measure of strength was related to RSA, thus concurring with other similar investigations (Baker and Nance, 1999; Cronin and Hansen, 2005) who albeit implemented single sprint trials. Despite Newman et al. (2004) notions, the methods employed to assess leg strength may have influenced their findings and reduced their validity. For instance, Newman et al. (2004) highlighted that the isokinetic knee ext ension test they implemented was not specific to the conditions and movement patterns performed in the sporting environment. To elaborate, Flint-Wagner et al., 2009 highlighted that isokinetic strength tests generally require participants to be placed in a position that isolates the tested muscle. Specialized apparatus then gives resistance so that no matter how much force is exerted by the participant, movement takes place at a constant speed. Although this method of testing has been established as beneficial during the injury rehabilitation process for testing a specific area or joint movement (Cardone et al., 2004), the validity of the procedure has been has been questioned in able team-sport athletes. For example, research by Duthie et al. (2006) illustrated that during sports performance, seldom does one body part work in isolation at a constant speed. Instead, Newman et al. (2004) and later Duthie et al. (2006) recognised that muscles are required to work synergistically in an integrated and co-ordinated fashion. This indicates that perhaps using a multi-joint strength measure would give a more valid reflection of muscular strength in rugby players, as muscles are required to interdependently. Even so, studies evaluating the effect of leg strength on the ability to sprint have been inclined to implement laboratory based isokinetic strength measures (Adams et al., 1992; Blazevich and Jenkins, 1998; Newman et al., 2004; Kin-Isler et al., 2008). Therefore, a study examining the relationship between a multi-joint strength measure and repeated sprint ability warrants investigation. 2.2 Brief vs. Prolonged Repeated Sprint Ability In addition to the strength measure used, recent studies on RSA have begun to examine the structure of the brief RSA protocols previously implemented (Oliver et al., 2007; Rampinini et al., 2007). To elucidate, a study by Oliver et al. (2007) examined the physiological relationship between brief and prolonged repeated sprint ability protocols. They identified that the participants maximal speed significantly decreased in the latter sets of the brief RSA test, but not in the prolonged test. This suggests that the brief RSA protocol previously employed by Newman et al. (2004) will have influenced the strength/RSA correlation witnessed. For example, Newman and colleagues implemented 20 second recovery periods in the RSA test, less than the half-life of CP re-synthesis (Gaitanos et al., 1993). According to Bishop and Edge (2006) who examined the determinants of RSA in female athletes, a short recovery period between sprints induces the accumulation of H+ ions, causing a reduction in re peated sprint ability. Therefore, if Newman et al. (2004) had implemented prolonged periods of recovery between sprints (i.e. more than the half-life of CP re-synthesis), the relative contribution of the glycolytic and phosphagen systems will have changed, which would have affected the relationship between muscular leg strength and RSA. This idea was demonstrated by Oliver et al. (2007) who indicated that a relationship between muscular strength and prolonged repeated sprint recovery could be plausible, provided the recovery was long enough for near phosphagen repletion. Furthermore, Oliver et al. (2007) theorised that although brief RSA protocols are accurate for reflecting short intense periods of play, longer periods of recovery between sprints perhaps reflect a more accurate portrayal of the recovery patterns experienced throughout the course of a whole match. This view was endorsed by Bishop and Edge (2006) who stated that a large majority of sprints experienced during intermit tent sports are separated by rest periods long enough ( 1 min) to allow complete or near complete recovery, over double the amount of rest implemented in the majority of RSA studies (Dawson et al., 1991; Newman et al., 2004; Edge et al., 2006; McGawley and Bishop, 2006; Spencer et al., 2008). Consequently, it appears that the correlation between leg strength and prolonged RSA has yet to be adequately understood, and thus, a study investigating this relationship requires examination. 2.3 Repeated Sprint Ability Protocols In addition to the length of recovery performed, recovery mode has been shown to affect ones performance during repeated sprint exercise, making it a key component of any RSA protocol. Recently, studies have produced contrasting findings in determining whether passive or active recovery is the most beneficial in resisting fatigue. Some studies have proposed that active recovery is superior as blood muscle flow is maintained, which enhances the buffering and removal of hydrogen ions (Bogdanis et al., 1996; Toubekis et al., 2008). Conversely, other studies have indicated that active recovery negatively affects the subsequent sprint performance, by inducing fatigue and slowing the rate of PC resynthesis (Dupont et al., 2003; Spencer et al., 2006). Despite this conflict, time motion analysis has illustrated that phases of recovery in team sports typically involve some sort of active work (i.e. jogging or shuffling into defensive position) (Spencer et al., 2004; Jougla et al. 2009). The refore, active recoveries appear to represent the most valid form of recovery when testing repeated sprint performance in rugby union players. Despite this knowledge, numerous repeated-sprint studies on team sport athletes have implemented passive recovery in their protocols (Bishop et al., 2004; Edge et al., 2006). Another factor that can affect repeated sprint performance is the length of each executed sprint. Previous studies on repeated sprint ability have typically used sprint distances requiring 6 seconds of work to assess their participants (Gaitanos et al., 1993; Dawson et al., 1997; Bishop et al., 2004; Edge et al., 2005). However, Spencer et al. (2004) suggested that shorter sprint durations of 4 seconds provide a more accurate portrayal of the sprint distances typically experienced during team sports. Spencer and colleagues based this notion on their time-motion analysis of RSA patterns in elite field hockey, which is deemed by Spencer et al. (2004) to elicit similar p hysiological demands to rugby union. In support, other time motion analysis studies by Duthie et al. (2006) and later Deutsch et al. (2007) reported that for all rugby positions, the mean duration of sprints was 2-4 seconds. This suggests that although 6 second sprints have been widely used within the literature, they may not be optimal for testing RSA in team sport athletes. This may explain why recent studies on team sport athletes have begun to implement shorter distances of 3-5s in their RSA protocols (Spencer et al., 2006; Oliver et al., 2007; Spencer et al., 2008), rather than the 6 second distances previously employed. Additionally, RSA studies on team sport athletes have typically included 5-10 sprints in their protocols, as this is thought to represent the most accurate depiction of a brief intense period of play (Gaitanos et al., 1993; Dawson et al., 1997; Bishop and Spencer., 2004; Bishop et al., 2004; Edge et al., 2005; Spencer et al., 2006; Oliver et al., 2007; Spenc er et al., 2008), shown in table 1. This idea was forwarded by Spencer et al. (2004) who examined the number of repeated sprints executed during a brief intense period of play in elite hockey. A brief intense period of play was defined as a minimum of three high intensity sprints, with a mean recovery duration of less than 21 s. Spencer et al. (2006) findings revealed that the majority of intense phases of play were comprised of 3-7 sprints. Therefore, based on Spencer et al. (2004) findings and the majority of previous RSA studies, 5-10 sprints appear to most accurately represent a short intense period of play in team sports. A further variable to consider when designing RSA protocols is the mode of exercise performed. Although non-motorised treadmills and over-ground sprints provide the most accurate mode of assessing RSA in team sport athletes, they have been sparsely administered within the literature (Spencer et al., 2006; Oliver et al., 2007). In contrast, Table 1 shows tha t the majority of RSA investigations have implemented cycle ergometers to analyse their participants (Gaitanos et al., 1993; Dawson et al., 1997; Bishop et al., 2004; Bishop and Spencer, 2004; Edge et al., 2005). Recently, experts have questioned the validity of employing cycle ergometry to assess team sport athletes, who primarily execute over-ground sprints in game situations (Fitzimmons et al., 1993; Bishop et al., 2001; Oliver et al., 2007). Therefore, it appears that although cycle ergometers may provide a convenient means for recording muscle biopsies, analysing gas samples and eliminating environmental conditions. For most field sports, cycle ergometers provide a poor reflection of the physiological movements typically experienced during a match. Hence, when assessing RSA in team sport athletes such as soccer, hockey and rugby players, the most valid method of assessment appears to be over-ground sprints, as used by Spencer et al. (2008) which is shown in Table 1. 2.4 Explosive Power Although the relationship between muscular leg strength and sprint performance has produced ambiguity within the literature (Thorland et al., 1987; Alexander, 1989; Dowson et al., 1998; Baker and Nance, 1999; Newman et al., 2004; Cronin and Hansen, 2005; Kin-Isler et al., 2008), recent studies have suggested that perhaps explosive power is more of an accurate determinant of sprint performance (Dowson et al., 1998; Hennessy and Kilty, 2001). Explosive power is defined as the maximal force that a muscle or muscle group can generate at high speeds, or (work/time) (Baechle and Earle, 2008). Investigations by Dowson et al. (1998) and Hennessy and Kilty (2001) have tested the effectiveness of explosive power in predicting sprint performance by implementing field based tests such as vertical countermovement jumps. Interestingly, Dowson et al. (1998) identified that the magnitude of force generated during a countermovement jump significantly correlated with the amount of speed an athlete p roduced during a single-sprint performance, indicating that explosive power could potentially be a direct predictor of sprint performance. In support, Hennessy and Kilty (2001) reported a similarly significant relationship between countermovement jumps and sprint performance in female athletes. They attributed this relationship to the stretch-shortening cycle (SSC) witnessed during a countermovement jump. To elaborate, the stretch-shortening cycle was found to mimic the eccentric-concentric contractions of the leg extensor muscles experienced during sprinting, which directly facilitated sprint performance. After reviewing the literature, it appears that studies ascertaining the relationship between explosive power and a single sprint performance have produced consistent results, as well as being valuable in terms of ecological validity (Dowson et al., 1998; Hennessy and Kilty, 2001) compared to such laboratory based strength investigations (Adams et al., 1992; Blazevich and Jenkins, 1998; Newman et al., 2004; Kin-Isler et al., 2008). However, research has continued to solely focus on the relationship between explosive power and a single sprint, neglecting the opportunity to examine the association between explosive power and repeated-sprint ability, despite research highlighting the specificity of RSA to the patterns of play witnessed during multi-sprint sports (Dawson et al., 1991; Newman et al., 2004; Bishop and Edge, 2006; Duthie et al., 2006; Oliver et al., 2007). Subsequently, an investigation examining the effect of explosive power on brief and prolonged repeated sprint ability appears warranted in order to fully establish explosive power as the most accurate physiological predictor of RSA. Accordingly, the primary aim of current study was to examine the effect of muscular strength on brief and prolonged repeated sprint ability using a multi-joint strength measure. A secondary purpose was to ascertain if explosive power was a more valid determinant of brief and prolonged repeated sprint ability than muscular strength.